Gold Democrats Essays

Gold Democrats Essays Gold Democrats Essay Gold Democrats Essay Perhaps no other campaign has stirred the passions of Americans as the contest of 1896 did. The quadrennial struggle between Democrats and Republicans was rhetorically elevated to class warfare. Journalist William Allen White was still amazed years later at the depth of feeling that was aroused. He remembered, It was a fanaticism like the Crusades. President Grover Cleveland stood steadfastly against silver. He predicted early in 1896 that abandoning the gold standard would devastate the Democratic party. If we should be forced away from our traditional doctrine of sound and safe money, our old antagonist will take the field on the platform which we abandon, and neither the votes of reckless Democrats nor reckless Republicans will avail to stay their easy march to power. But the unemployed and the starving were not interested. Clevelands public standing was as low as Herbert Hoovers would be thirty-five years later. A former Nebraska Congressman, William Jennings Bryan, said his fellow Democrats should have the same feeling for Cleveland as toward the trainman who has opened a switch and precipitated a wreck. : Silver sentiment existed in both parties, but it was much stronger among the Democrats. The Republicans followed Clevelands scenario, putting an ever-tighter embrace on the gold standard. Former Ohio Governor William McKinley easily clinched his partys nomination, thanks largely to the organizational skills of Mark Hanna. McKinley had voted for silver legislation in Congress, but he now okayed a platform standing solidly behind gold. A small group of silver Republicans dramatically walked out of the convention. Hanna was among those angrily shouting, Go! Go! Go! as the tiny band departed. Party distinctions were blurred in the fall. The Populist party endorsed the Democratic ticket, as did silver Republicans. Gold Democrats tried to draft President Cleveland. Failing that, many joined the McKinley camp. A few supported an independent Democratic ticket headed by Illinois Senator John Palmer. Late in 1895 the other candidates began to wake up. There were two opposing forces to be feared: first, the candidacy of Thomas B. Reed, of Maine, whose brilliant intellect, sterling character, and enviable congressional record had earned for him a well-deserved and widespread popularity; and second, the bosses of the party, who were in the habit of dictating nominations by combinations among themselves whenever possible. Of the latter, the first to be considered was Thomas C. Platt, who could deliver, so he thought, the entire vote of the State of New York. His candidate was Levi P. Morton, the former Vice-President. Next in order was Matthew S. Quay, of Pennsylvania, who decided upon himself as the favorite son of his State. Senator Allison was very properly the choice of Iowa. Senator Cullom would have been glad of the support of Illinois. It was generally thought that ex-President Harrison might wish a renomination, in which case Indiana would support him. No wonder that Senator Billy Mason remarked, dryly, that nobody seemed to be for McKinley except the people. Mr. McKinley was a bimetallist, and had stood for the use of both gold and silver in the currency of the United States without inquiring too closely whether the means actually used to force silver into circulation had or had not tended to lower the standard of value. Mark Hannas personal attitude was different from that of Mr. McKinley. He was enough of a banker to realize that the business of the country was suffering far more from uncertainty about the standard of value than it was from foreign competition. Mr. Hanna as the manager of the campaign realized how much Mr. McKinleys ambiguous attitude on the currency was helping the canvass in the Western States, and he probably desired as much as McKinley did that any more precise definition of the issue should at least be postponed until after Mr. McKinleys nomination was assured. In no event would he have insisted upon any opinion of his own in respect to an important matter of public policy in antagonism to that of his candidate and friend. Mc Kinleys opinion remained unchanged until the very eve of the Convention. The currency plank, tentatively drawn by Mr. McKinley and his immediate advisers, embodied his resolution to keep the currency issue subordinate and vague. According to Mr. Foraker, Mr. J. K. Richards came to him at Cincinnati some days before the date of the meeting of the Convention, bringing with him direct from Canton some resolutions in regard to the money and the tariff questions prepared by the friends of Mr. McKinley with his approval. The currency plank as handed to Mr. Foraker began as follows: